Five years have now passed since José “Pepe” Mujica, president of Uruguay formally left office who had governed the southern cone nation from 2010 to 2015.
He garnered the attention of the international media for his humble persona and critical speeches in the United Nations. However, despite such extensive and largely positive coverage surrounding his progressive views and unassuming manner.
We are now able to look back with the benefit of hindsight beyond the “Pepe of the press”. What is his legacy and did he manage to implement what he espoused? Fast forward to 2020. Where does Uruguay now stand and where is it heading?
Background
If one began a brief foray into the history, politics and culture of Latin America what becomes immediately apparent is that Uruguay is often overlooked in comparison to its larger neighbours, Argentina and Brazil.
Aside from football many would be hard pressed to identify any of its well-known cultural exports and harder still to identify one – or in fact – any political leader in Uruguay from its inception to the present day. A realm where it is once again upstaged by its Latin American counterparts where many can recall with ease the heavyweights: Hugo Chávez, former president of Venezuela or Fidel Castro, former prime minister of Cuba, to name a few.
Nevertheless, to reduce Uruguay to a small nation of over 3 million with a comparatively quiet history and devoid of culture would be a mistake. If one scratches beneath the surface one is soon met with José Batlle y Ordóñez, who served two terms as president of Uruguay from 1903-07 and 1911-15. He is credited with establishing a complex social welfare system that put the standard of living in the southern cone nation on a par with industrialised nations in Europe.
A striking feat in Uruguay which in tandem with the cosmopolitan nature of its capital, Montevideo, presence of its longstanding stable democracy as well as its prosperity during World War I and World War II owing to its marked reliance on agricultural exports. It had given rise to its nickname as the “Switzerland of the Americas”.
However, sadly Uruguay was soon met with tumult during the 1960s which brought the period of stability that many had become so familiar to an abrupt end. Uruguayans were faced with a dire situation as its export-driven economy struggled and opposition from those hardest hit soon grew ever louder as they voiced their disquiet against the government.
It was what not long before students and radical young professional gathered to form the underground guerrilla movement, El Movimiento de Liberación Nacional-Tupamaros (MLN-T) – or put more simply – “Tupamaros“. Tupamaros became synonymous with robin-hood tactics like bank robberies to kidnappings. For instance, the capture of the British Ambassador to Uruguay, Geoffrey Jackson in 1971 who was held in captivity before his release 8 months later.
The clouds grew darker still a mere two years later in 1973 which marked the beginning of military rule that convulsed Uruguay for more than a decade. Human rights abuses were widespread, particularly among the Tupamaros members who were killed or imprisoned.
It was a repressive period in which Uruguay became notorious for having the highest number per capita of political prisoners in the world. A world away from the “Switzerland of the Americas” of yesteryear as the southern cone nation has had to wrestle with the disappeared and navigating how to prosecute those who committed the atrocities under the brutal regime.
It was not until 1984 that democratic elections were held and civilian government was restored under the newly elected president, Julio María Sanguinetti who took office in 1985. From this moment until to the present day, Uruguay has seen presidents hail from the Frente Amplio, a coalition of centre-left to left-wing parties, Partido Colorado, a centrist party and the Partido Nacional or as they are also known, Partido Blanco, a centre-right party which like the Partido Colorado traces in roots back to the nineteenth century.
Nonetheless, it has been one – above all- who had caught the eye of the international media whilst in power for his refusal to occupy the presidential palace and the radical policies he implemented during his tenure. Enter: José “Pepe” Mujica.
El Pepe Presidente
José “Pepe” Mujica before he came to power in 2010 was in fact a member of the Tupamaros. In a similar vein, Tabaré Vázquez was also a member who served as president from 2005 to 2010 and for another term after Mujica’s departure from 2015 until 2020.
Mujica was more radical than Vázquez which saw him introduce measures that recognised same-sex marriage and legalised marijuana. In addition, he also brought in one of the most liberal reproductive rights law in Latin America which encompassed sex education in schools as well as free and legal abortion for up to twelve weeks of pregnancy.
As a former guerilla fighter who had encouraged and engaged in political violence against the military dictatorship in the 1970s. Mujica had suffered personally having been subjected to torture and imprisonment for 14 years. He expressed he did not wish to repeal the amnesty law that had prevented those in the military regime from prosecution, citing the two referendums in which he vowed to respect the views of Uruguayans who voted against its repeal.
Mujica’s reluctance may have stemmed from his personal involvement during the 1970s in which cases may be brought before him and fellow Tupamaros members in a similar vein to the military leaders. Nevertheless, Mujica soon changed his position and signed the bill for the amnesty law to be overturned given such questions and concerns surrounding the period were never going to go away.
His popularity within Uruguay was not universal and it did wax and wane over the five year period. If one looks back at his legacy it will be notable for radical steps taken in the social sphere which put Uruguay at the forefront of the most progressives policies across Latin America.
Pepe: out, Vázquez: in and the centre-right returns
Mujica’s five year rule came to an end and Vázquez took over for a second time as president in 2015. Vázquez tenure after Mujica was broadly in line with their centre-left to left tendencies while many Uruguayans expressed their disdain for the legislation that legalised cannabis ushered in during Muijica’s rule. Nevertheless, the concerns were largerly allayed by the fact Vázquez was able to cast himself as the continuity candidate who followed in the footsteps of Mujica whose presidental rule was viewed on the whole in a popular light.
However, after Frente Amplio’s 15 year rule many Uruguayans had grown tired and were concerned with the economic situation in the southern cone nation. Change was in the air and centre-right Partido Nacional – or – Partido Blanco – as they are also known swept the Frente Amplio aside in 2020. Luis Lacalle Pou was sworn in as president, son of Luis Alberto Lacalle who was president of Uruguay from 1990 to 1995.
Turbulent beyond Pepe?
Luis Lacalle Pou only took office in March 2020 so it remains to be seen if the legacy of Frente Amplio – and in particular – the radical policies such as same-sex marriage, abortion and the legalisation of marijuana that were implemented under Mujica are in fact rolled back entirely.
As we are at the height of a global pandemic to a certain extent this will take up much of the bandwidth in terms of focus. However, in the coming months and years it will be of interest to see what direction will be taken in terms of the more radical and progressive policies.
It is worthwhile to remember that Uruguay in comparison to many of its Latin American counterparts is more secular and its democratic consolidation is more rooted. Economic prosperity has been present for large swathes of its history – yet – this could soon be tested amidst the global fallout arising from the pandemic.
Nonetheless, what can be determined as we cast our gaze back to Mujica’s tenure that once you get past the “Pepe of the press” which paints him in an unassuming light as a man of the people. In many respects, he did take Uruguay on a trajectory that put it ahead of its neighbours . For that alone he should be remembered irrespective of his attire and Tupamaros days of old. 5 years is not a long time in politics so you must grasp it wisely to leave your mark. Pepe left his.