It has recently come to my attention that Somaliland has been touted as a democratic success story which is all the more surprising given its history and regional fragility in the Horn of Africa.
An intriguing assertion which made me want to delve further to determine whether it still stands up to scrutiny – and – if so – what lies in the future for Somaliland.
Background
More than 25 years ago Somaliland declared itself independent in 1991 breaking ties with Somalia. Today it is still not recognised by many nations around the world and its status and further development continues to go under the radar on the international stage.
Prior to 1991 Somaliland had unified with Somalia in 1960 which it had pursued with optimism as part of a “Greater Somalia” vision that would bring people together under one nation who had previously been located across the Horn of Africa.
However, hopes were soon dashed from those located in the North in Somaliland who became increasingly dissatisfied with the rule from the South. The tensions had become ever more turbulent since the advent of the military coup led by Siad Barre who overthrew the civilian government in 1969.
As clan-based brutality became more widespread especially among those in the North who were also increasingly sidelined from leadership positions. It fuelled resentment particularly among the Issaq clan who were actively targeted. As such, they rose overwhelmingly in defiance of the Siad Barre regime by founding the Somali National Movement in London on 6th April 1981.1
It was not long before the writing was on the wall and the Somali National Movement declared an independent Republic of Somaliland which had formerly constituted British Somaliland from the late 1880s that was distinct from Italian Somaliland.
The distinctiveness of Somalia and Somaliland is worth noting due to their colonial experiences under the Italians and the British respectively which had already set them on differing political paths that became more apparent once they unified in 1960. A gulf between the two that has widened further since Somaliland’s self-declared independence and democratic consolidation of its institutions for more than two decades.
Success story?
Although Somaliland may not be recognised internationally it has been widely acknowledged that it has enjoyed relative stability vis-à-vis Somalia which has been beset with civil warfare and violent insurgency in the guise of the al-Shabab.
Infrastructure has been largely restored and steps have been taken towards democratic consolidation in a region that is synonymous with anything but. The road has not been a smooth one and as with any newly established political system it has had its fair share of growing pains.
What does seem evident though is that despite the odds stacked against Somaliland, not least its lack of formal recognition worldwide has on its ability to forge diplomatic partnerships. There have been promising signs for over two decades and a chance to be optimistic.
Somaliland has cemented its reputation among those who have been paying attention internationally evidenced by the succession of several free and fair elections which have been conducted peacefully with a noteworthy oppositional presence to hold those in power to account.
Further still it cannot be underplayed what impact peace has had on the daily lives of its people. Free from terrorism as well as escaping acts of instability whether that be linked to piracy or any other socio-political developments. It is all the more remarkable when you take into consideration the geopolitical forces at play in the region.
One cannot help but question though how established the democratic roots are and whether it will be able to sustain upheaval should it arise. Peace and democracy needs to be continuously worked at, refined, upheld and most of all valued in the eyes of leaders and its people alike to ensure it maintains legitimacy in a self-declared republic that does not enjoy all the powers and privileges that comes with statehood.
What lies in the future?
Somaliland has no doubt benefited from the widening participation of political parties beyond clan-based realities on the ground which have caused such upheaval in Somalia and have rendered attempts to foster national identity in the past almost meaningless as so many have more affinity to local kinship than with a centralised controlled state ruled out of Mogadishu.
In addition, it may point to a wider observation that must be made across the continent whereby viewing “nation” and “state” through a European and North American biased lens. In short, a Westphalian concept of the nation-state may bear no resemblance nor respect the local conditions in many instances throughout Africa.2
For Somaliland and Somalia so much upheaval and bloodshed has been rooted in a strategy of divide and rule among clans or attempts to quell them entirely in pursuit of a higher ideal that rests on a “Great Somalia” vision. Historically, people for generations have tended to roam across land comprised of clans headed up by elders who are a viewed as a respected authority in these communities. In essence, the “national” is more notable in its absence in Somalia and the wider region.
The positives, however, for Somaliland is that it can point to clearly demarcated territory as a result of colonial treaties stretching back to the 1880s under the British. Nonetheless, in terms of cultural identity there is little differentiating Somaliland and Somalia which may point to problems in the future given many continue to hold clan-based ties and for which a “Somali nation” is envisaged more in the abstract.3
At present many international organisations and nations continue to recognise Somalia at the expense of Somaliland. If viewed from the vantage point of geopolitics, the support for either the former or the latter differs. For instance, Saudi Arabia’s financing of al-Shabab and ties through the Arab League make it a noteworthy ally for Somalia. Similarly, Egypt’s continued support for Somalia can be viewed through the prism of historical rivalries with Ethiopia, an ally of Somaliland in the region.
Although it cannot be denied that Somaliland’s quest for recognition is a dealt a blow given clan identities continue to loom large which in turn undermines a common national identity. The Puntland dispute is a case in point where successive clans who have in the past declared their own separate states, such as the Khatumo State which underscores the lack of legitimacy Somaliland holds within sections of society.
It is clear the future for Somaliland is anyone’s guess but what can be said for certain is that it continues to go under radar. It should not be downplayed that despite its inability to forge diplomatic ties and lack of international recognition its democratic success stands as a beacon of hope in the region and should be watched with interest to see how it unfolds in the coming years.
For the simple fact it has been done from the ground up and over a considerable length of time. In doing so, it has instilled confidence into its institutions that rest on firmer foundations than can be evidenced in the collapsed Somali state. Institutions it is hoped which are built to last for Somalilanders who seeking their place in the region and the wider world.
Notes
1. Walls, M. 2018. Liberation struggle for regime change: Somaliland’s transition from conflict to civilian government. In R. Bereketeab (eds.) National Liberation Movements as Government in Africa, pp. 218. London: Routledge.
2. Mohamed, Ali N. 2017. Crisis of Identity in a Hybrid Polity: The Case of Somaliland. In R. Bereketeab (eds.) State Building and National Identity: Reconstruction in the Horn of Africa, pp. 160-1. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan.
3. Ali, Nasir M. 2017. Somaliland – Negotiating with Somalia? Is it an Option or a Foreign Imposition? In R. Bereketeab (eds.) State Building and National Identity: Reconstruction in the Horn of Africa, pp. 58. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan.